The "Societe des Conferences " 
The "Revue Hebdomadaire" 



• ■ ****! 



The Re§ponsibility 



of the War 



BY 

M. FERNAND LAUDET 

FORMERLY FIRST SECRETARY TO AN EMBASSY 

EDITOR OP THE T^jsvue Hebdomadaire 



French thought 



in Alsace-Lorraine 



3iY 

M. L'ABBE WETTERLE 

FORMERLY DEPUTY OF THE REICHSTAG 

AND OF THE CHAMBRE OP ALSACE -LORRAINE 



PRICE : 2^4- OR FIVE CENTS. 



PLON-NOURRIT et C'% 8, rue Garanciere — PARIS 

1915 

An. 



POUR LA PROPAGANDE A L*ETRANGER 



L'Allemagne poursuit, avec urie opinlEltrete . et une perfidie que 
Tien ne lasse, sa campagne de mensonges a travers le monde. Ell© 
'Inonde les pays neutres d'ecrits de toutes sortes et de tous formats, * 
qui vont, dans la langue de chaque pays, repandre a profusion la 
calomnie. Nous croyons volontiers que, notre cause etant celle du 
droit, pour en faire 6clater la justice ^ tous les yeux, il suffit de 
sa propre spiendeoar. C'est une illusion contra laquelle .fentendals 
recemment M. Poincar^ mettre en garde ses confreres de I'Academie 
en leur demandant a tous d'etre, par la parole et par la plume, eux 
aussl, des combattants. 

Des commissi'- iXiS officielles ont ^U instituees. 'Elles ont reuni centre 
la premeditation-=ivllemande, contre leis atrocites alleroandes, des preuves 
accablantes. Je ^^ense que leurs rapports ont ete traduits ou vont I'&tre, 
et que le necessaire sera fait pour qu'ils parviennent IS. oti il importe 
surtout qu'ils soient connus : hors de France. 

Mais le gouvernement ne pent pas tout faire. II faut qu'il soit 
eeconde par I'initiative privee. Je tiens done a signaler, h titre d'exem- 
ple, Teffort que tentent, en ce moment, quelques ecrivains franQais 
pour organiser une large prcipagande a I'etranger. 

lis avaient entre les mains un instrument tout pret :-la Soci6t6 
des Conferences. Cette societe est assez connus : c'est sous ses auspices 
qu'ont ete donnes les cours fameux de F. Brunetiere, de Jules Lemaitre, 
d'Emile Faguet, de Maurice Donnay, les « grands cours » de ce 
temps-ci. EUe a pour orateiurs des hommes dont le nom seul est d^jii 
une recommandation et une force vis-a-vis de I'etranger. Je citerai des , 
academiciens comme MM. Gabriel Hanotaux, Frederic Masson, le mar- .. 
quis de Segur, Jean Ricbepin, Maurice Donnay, Alfred Capus, des J 
diplomates, des journalistas, des savants, comme Fernand Laudet, 4 
Gaston Descliamps, Andre Beaunier, Andr6 Michel, Camllle Bellaigue, 1 
auxquels se sont joints I'abbe Wetterl6, Mgr Marbeau, rheroique 
6veque de Meaux et Mgr Baudrillart, I'^minent recteur de I'lnstitut 
Catliolique de Paris. 

Cette annee, en deux series de conferences, dont Tune porte oe J 
beau nom VEsperance FrangaUe et I'autre ce nom tragique les Villes 
Martyres, ils diront I'am e fidele de I'Alsace-Lorraine et I'ame fl6re 
d6 Paris, le patriotisme de la presse et le noble id6al de la culture 
frangaise ; ils denonoeront la fourberie de Tagression allemande et 
la barbarie de la guerre aux chefs-d'oeuvre de I'art. Ainsi ils porteront 
t^moignage pour leur pays. lis exprimeront — ce qu'6n ignore totale- 
ment a I'etranger — I'opinion, la 'pens6e frangaise. 

Que ces causertes, simplement 61oqnentes, viennent rfichauffer no© 
coeurs, c'est bien. Mais il y a mieux a faire. Cette annee, il ne suffit 
pas d© parler pour nous, il faut parler pour ceux qui, hors de chez 
nouis, ont besoin d'etre renseignes par nous. II faut que la parole 
frangaise parvienne partout -ou il y a une conscience a 6clairex. 

Ce sera fait. 

La Soci^t'6 des Conferences, grace au concours de la Revue Hebdo- 
madaire, a pris ses dispositions pour faire traduire en onze langues 
toutes eas conferences, dont chacune deviendra une sorte de petit 
tract. Elle s'est assure des correspondants qui les repandront par 
milliers d'exemplaires en Italie, Espagne, Portugal, Roumanie. Bul- 
garie. Grece, Hollande, Sufede. Norvfege, Danemark, Suisse. Etats-Unis. 

REN15 DOUMIC, 
de I'Academie Frangaise. 



The "Sociite des Conferences" 
The "Revue Hebdomadaire" 



The Responsibility 



of the War 



BY 



M. FERNAND LAUDET 

FORMERLY FIRST SECRETARY TO AN EMBASSY 

EDITOR OP the/ Ti^evue Hebdomadaire 



French thought 



in Alsace-Lorraine 



BY 

M. L'ABBE WETTERLE 

FORMERLY DEPUTY OF THB REICHSTAG 

AND OF THE CHAMBRE OF ALSACE-LORRAINE 



PRICE: 2 <i i OR FIVE CENTS. 



PLON-NOURRIT et C'^% 8, rue Garanciere -- PARIS 

1915 

V 

.5 ... '- : An» 



Violation of Belgian neutrality ^ ^ 



^-^4:4 -^'•' 







..iXis^V.i^I&sljCai-ai-A^'i.-v. 



Fac-simile of the treaty, signed in 1836, slramefully violated by Germany 



r^ 



c^ 






THE RESPONSIBILITY 

of the WAR 



WfTMbRAWN 

DEC 101914 



THE. RESPONSIBILITY 

of the WAR 



A lecture given to the Societe des Conferences, 
February loth igi^. 



Ladies and gentlemen, 

I have not come to tell you anything that you do 
not know already. The responsability of the war ! 
Who among you would not without the slightest 
hesitation denounce the two countries, the two 
emperors, who in the eyes of their contemporaries 
as well as in the eyes of history bear the crushing 
weight ? In Europe at this moment the French, 
Russians, English, Belgians, Servians, Turks, Ger- 
mans, Austrians are fighting. Nobody is ignorant of 
the fact that it is these last two nations who have 
wished for, prepared, provoked the war and that the 
others, friends of peace, sometimes even too great 
friends of peace, have employed every effort to pre- 
serve its inestimable benefit to Europe. 

This we all know, but we cannot repeat it too 
frequently or point out in too great detail to neutral 
countries, who suffer from the war, that the Triple- 
Entente neglected nothing to the last hour, even to 
the last minute, to prevent the terrible conflict. 

It is not the moment to utter certain words and to 
risk becoming faint hearted by thoughts that might 
impair energies of which the whole country is in need 
in order to continue until the end, « until the integral 
reparation of violated rights » ; but however, sines 



we are speaking of the responsability of the drama, 
ought we not, from the beginning of this discourse, 
to brand more clearly as disgraceful t'he crime and 
its premeditation, to recall that peoples are made to 
live in peace, that war is against nature, that the 
cause of civilisation is sacred, that, if prudence and 
valour suggest to nations to be upon their guard and 
to be armed for their own defence, humanity also 
enjoins them to restrain the Covetousness, which 
carries them away to acts of treason and to barb?.- 
rities unworthy -of the days in which we live ? 

Those who have closely followed events during 
the last few years, and who have found their history 
in recently published diplomatic documents and 
fully authorized communications, do not ignore that 
Germany was preparing for war. She prepared for it 
at Agadir, before Agadir, but more especially since 
Agadir, since the day when our national awakening 
showed her a new France, of which she had no 
suspicion, ready to cope with her. « This is provo- 
cation », said the provokers, « we will not allow it. » 
From this time Germany feels a doubt of the possi- 
bility of realizing her dream of miaking France to 
take the rank of a secondary Power. She begins. to 
think it is quite time to act; she prepares her attack, 
she excites men's min'jds and then waits for the right 
mom.ent. 

No doubt, as in 1875, 1887 and 191 1, the Great 
Powers may intervene, especially Russia and 
England; but Germany considers that their action 
will be limited to protests and if it is otherwise the 
responsibility of the war will be thrown upon their 
shoulders. In the meantime, Germany tries to wear 
our patience out. First the campaign against our 
Foreign Fegion, then the opposition to the approval 
of the Franco- German agreement about Marocco and 
Congo, subsequently a series of articles in the Press 
and of speeches against (c our external enemies ». 

Our ambassador at Berlin, M. Jules Cambon, to 
whose clear-sightedness it is fit we shoul^l bear 



— 7 



witness, is not mistaken about it. Almost two years 
ago on May 6th 191 3, he wrote to the Foreign 
Office : ((These people do not fear war, they fully 
accept the possibility and they , have taken steps 
accordingly. They wish to be always ready... This 
demands conditions of secrecy and discipline, aLo 
a persevering will : enthusiasm is not enough for 
everything. It may be useful to meditate upon this 
at a time when the Government of the Republic is 
asking Parliament for means to fortify the country. » 

We will add no commentary to these grave words. 

We will simply say that, since 19 14, there are 
some people occupying positions of importance in 
our country, who are under no delusions; they know 
that the Emperor wishes for war. So Germany 
gradually loses all prudence of a nature to veil her 
nitentions, and thus, a year ago, it was declared 
that the country would no longer consider itself 
bound to fulfil the embarrassing clauses of article II 
of the treaty of Frankfort. 

So the war was wished for and prepared, and, as 
we have just said, Germany was only waiting for the 
opportunity, that is to s*ay a quarrel. 

The crime of Serajevo supplies it. Germany and 
Austria speak in a high-handed manner; if Europe 
gives way, the general war will be delayed and a 
small State swallowed- up; if she does not yield way, 
it is a case of the Dual Alliance beginning the 
struggle now or never. Russia is not ready and is 
disturbed by strikes; England is unable to act on 
account of internal troubles; France, according to 
sensational revelations, is insufficiently armed; Bel- 
gium will yield : (( there has never been a more favou- 
rable moment for us », the Militdrische RMndschau 
declares. 

The scheme is very simple; after some days of 
misleading quitness, a note is sent to Serbia of such 
an imperative tone that her honour bids her not 
to consent to everything demanded. Then military 



_ 8 — 

operations are begun and further developmenis 
awaited. 

Serbia has an idea of the game Germany is playing, 
and on July 20th, she notifies Berlin that she is ready 
to acept theAustrian demand relative to the criminal 
attempt at Serajevo, that she is ready to do all in 
her power to repress and prevent political crimes, but 
that she is confident no insult will be offered to her 
prestige or independence. 

It is exactly what Germany wants. She secretly 
urges Austria to go to War, but does not leave off pro- 
testing about her pacific intentions. She is the ally 
of Austria, their interests are one, but Germany still 
declares that she knows nothing of her designs. To 
all the applications made to him by the diplomatists 
to obtain the friendly intervention of his government, 
M. de Jagow invariably replies : (( I am ignorariL... 
I know nothing... » (( Are you acquainted with the 
note prepared by Austria ? he was asked by the 
Russian Charge d'Aff aires on July 21st, and can 
you assure us that the Austro-Servian difficulties 
will be localized ? )> No. M. de Jagow knpws nothing. 
But during this time his government gives the preii- 
minary warning for mobilisation. And the whole of 
Europe is working for peace. 

Italy negotiates at Vienna that only possible 
conditions should be offered to Belgrade; France 
points out to Count Berchtold the consequences that 
, any brutal pressure on Serbia would risk provoking: 
' Russia does not make any objection to repressive 
measures being taken with regard to Serbia, but only 
asks that nothing humiliation for Servian national 
feeling should be required; England implores 
i^ustria-Hungary not to demand anything of Bel- 
grade, which may excite public opinion in Europe 
against her. 

For all the Powers are conscious that the two 
accomplices prepare for war, and (( before the die 
is cast », to use Baron de Schoen's expression, t hey 
unite their efforts to avoid the calamity. 



9 — 



Before even the declaration of hostilities, the two 
camps are clearly defined, and civilization rises up 
against the approach of barbarity. , 

What_are: the proceedings of the Austro-Hungarian 
government with regard to the Servian ? When ;hc 
German ambassador in London is asked, he answers 
that he knows nothing, but he pretends to be unea-sy. 
His government, it appears, uses its influence to 
restrain, to moderate Vienna, but it does not succeed. 
So we suppose, and diplomatists have a presentiment 
that Austria, guided, driven' by Germany, will place 
a demand in the hands of Serbia, that her dignity 
will not allow her to entertain. 

We have arrived at July 24th. During the night, 
M. Viviani again telegraphs to Reval that complete 
mstructions are to be given to* our ambassador ac 
Vienna, M. Dumaine, which in conjunction with thosi 
forwarded by Russia and England may avert the 
dangers threatening the peace of the world. 

This is the end of the first act of the drama ; the 
day before, that is the 23rd, at six o'clock in the eve- 
ning, the Austrian note had been delivered in Bel- 
grade. 

As you know, gentlemen, it was inflexible for the 
Servian government « which had not appreciated the 
frindship of Austria-Hungary at its proper value ! » 
As in the fable, it is Belgrade that has disturbed the 
peace of Europe; Austria must take vengeance, 
without any further formality. 

To the imperative character of the ultimatum the 
severity- of the limited delay is added. It is more 
especially necessary that the Powers should not have 
time to intervene. As to France the President of the 
Republic and the Prime Minister are at sea and 
unable to exert their calming influence. What a lucky 
coincidence ! Let it be done quickly. In forty-eight 
hours Serbia must give her answer, and in Berlin as 
well as in Vienna they are only afraid of one thing, 
and it is that she will yield. 

So everything possible is done to envenom the 



2 AN. 



question. In Berlin the tone of the Press is threata- 
ning, its purpose being to intimidate Russia. In 
Vienna, the Servian attitude of provocation is de- 
nounced before she has even sent iier reply and me 
Austrian government announces by its representa- 
tives in Europe that it will take nothing from its 
demands. 

The two empires are especially hostile to the 
intervention of the Powers. Nevertheless they have 
an evident right to be concerned at, to disapprove 
of the violence done to a small State by a great 
Power, and the shortness of the delay allowed for 
the reply. c( Such a formidable declaration has never 
been addressed by one government to another o, 
cries Sir Edward Grey. 

M. de Jagow continues to act in his usual manner; 
he declares that he highly approves of the Austrian 
note, but that he had no knowledge of it before it 
was sent to Belgrade; if this was really so, it was 
because he was not in the confidenoe of his imperial 
master who was aware of the note and increased its 
severity, also he was not so well treated as M. de 
Tchirsky who drew it up, or as the Bavarian Prime 
Minister who declared that he knew of it on July 
23rd. So his pretented ignorance of the real question 
is not likely. However that may be, the Cabinet at 
Berlin begs France to use her influence in Russi?., 
but when in her turn she is asked to do the same 
thing with regard to her ally, Austria, she gives the 
slip, for she intends to spare her ally, but is quite 
prepared to embroil us with Russia. 

Nevertheless this attitude does not discourage 
London and Paris in their efforts to keep the peace. 
They know quite well in spite of M. de Jagow and 
Baron Schoen's foniial denials that the ultimatum 
has been sent to Belgrade by the common consent of 
Gennany and Austria, but they continue to act as if 
they believed Germany's word ; besides they will see 
how she' kept it. 

If therefore, like the rest of Europe, she really 



II 



wishes for the settlement of the crisis, let her cons-nr 
to the English Cabinet's request, let her use her 
influence m Vienna by proposing the mediation bet- 
ween Austria and Serbia of the four Powers that are 
not directly interested m the question, namely 
Germany, France, England and Italy. This mediation 
should be exercised both m Vienna and Saint- 
Petersburgh and at the same time the most urgent 
advice should be given to the Servian government to 
give satisfaction on every point on which it thinks it 
possible to do so. 

What does Germany reply ? 

Nothing definite, but it is easy to see she wille take 
no steps at Vienna. How could she do so, when it is 
she who has instigated the quarrel ? She does not act, 
but protests. She does not wish anyone to say there 
IS a (( German menace » or that she is acting (( in con- 
cert with her ally )), and to find an excuse she inva- 
riably confines herself to the formula a that she does 
not wish to interfere in a local conflict. » 

And during this time what is Russia doing, Russia, 
on whom Germany wishes soon to throw the respon- 
sibility of the war ? She is working m the same way 
as England and France to obtain from Austria a 
prolongation of the delay assigned by the ultimatum. 
M. Sazonow makes no mistake ; he confides to the 
English ambassador that, if Gemiany does not stop 
Austria, the situation is desperate ; nevertheless he 
continues to make every effort on behalf of peace and 
he says to our ambassador : « We must avoid every- 
thing which may precipitate the crisis ; I am of opi- 
nion that, even if the Austro-ilungarian government 
begins operations against Serbia, we ought not to 
break off the negotiations. » 

In truth which side is responsible for the war ? 
During the whole of this stirring July 25 th., the 
Powers do not cease their negotiations in Berlin and 
Vienna, but Germany does not become more definite, 
and while she is protesting about her intentions, time 
IS passing, the end of the delay accorded is drawing 



12 



liear, the sand is running out of the glass. (( Impos- 
sible to talk to Count Berchtold, he is at Ischl... It is 
a question of internal politics for our ally, we cannot 
intervene... », until the moment when M. de JagoW 
can pronounce the fatal word : (( It is too late. )> 
* In Austria, we meet with another attitude which is 
very well defined by M. Jules Cambon : « Not being 
strong, they are brutal. » When the Russian Charge 
d'affaires at Vienna represents to the Secretary Gene- 
ral of Foreign Affairs that (c to expect grievances 
with papers of justification to be judged without 
allowing sufficient time to study the « dossier )) is 
contrary to international courtesy )), Baron Macchio 
replies (( it is sometimes to one's interest to dispense 
with courtesy. » 

We are approaching the end of the second act of 
the drama. 

The last hour of the forty-eight is going to strike ; 
Serbia's answer will be known. Every effort has been 
made by the pacific Powers to gain time and to me- 
diate. Every one has been crushed by Austria and 
Germany both counting definitely upon not letting 
their prey escape : for one, it is Serbia; for the other, 
war. 

And now the Servian government's answer foils 
these criminal calculations. Serbia, valiant Serbia, 
whom for six months we have seen so heroically 
resisting, Serbia gives way in order to avoid the 
calamities of war ; yes, she gives way in every point' 
with two slight reservations. She is persuaded, she 
says, that her answer will remove all misunderstan- 
dings of a nature to compromise her neighbourly 
intercourse with the Austro-Hungarian government, 
but if howerer Austria is not satisfied with her ans- 
wer, she is ready, as she always is, to accept a pacific 
(( entente » by leaving this question either to the deci- 
sion of the international tribunal at La Haye or to the 
Great Powers who took part in the elaboration of 
the declaration made by the Servian government 
from March i8 th to 31st 1909. 



It is peace ! 

No. 

The Austrian minister hurriedly leaves Belgrade 
declaring the Servian government's submission to be 
msufficient. Apparently it is only pretending to 
yield. In Vienne and Budapesth they are wild with 
joy. In Berlin, the Wolff agency naturally does not 
publish the text of the reply which might have a 
calming effect. Who is responsible for the War ? 






Now we enter a third phase -in which the civilized 
nations continue to work indefatigable for the great 
cause of humanity while the two others remain 
greedy for their prey. The latter are blinded by 
their covetousness. They are thoroughly convinced 
that (( Russia will not play for such stakes. England 
will remain neutral; France will not intervene. » 

England will not remain neutral at the decisive 
mom-ent, though we must acknowledge that before- 
hand she defended the cause of peace with indomi- 
table perseverance. It is however to her that all re- 
gards are directed and every appeal is addressed. 
Sir Edward Grey uses all his influence to make the 
Powers intervene effectively, and it is precisely this 
attitude of mediation in England, which misleads 
the obtuse diplomacy of the Germans ; they see in 
it peace at any price instead of possibly peace and 
their audacity which is increased by their blindness 
is soon to realize how utterly they have deceived 
themselves. Perhaps if from the beginning, before the 
violation of Belgium, England had threatened to 
throw her sword into the balance, Germany would 
have withdrawn hers. But .had it been possible ? 
Would British public opinion have supported the 
government with regard to the Servian question ? 
And after all is it worth while to think of what 
might have happened when we have only here to 
follow the course of events ? 



— 14 — 

We have arrived at July 26th. To day as yester- 
day, still more than yesterday, Germany refuses to 
accept any settlement; war is becoming inevitable. 
She throws the responsibility on Russia, she urges us 
to restrain, to stop her, and when we say : a We are 
quite willmg, but will you on your side intervene 
with your ally Austria ? » she answers : « It is 
impossible )>. And she prepared for action, as eve- 
ryone knows. 

Nevertheless the Powers are not discouraged. 

In Italy, M. Salandra, the faithful interpreter of 
public opinion, declares : « We shall make the grea- 
test efforts to prevent peace from being violated. » 
In Russia, M. Sazonow states that his governraent 
will make use of all diplomatic means to avoid the 
conflict. 

Lastly, in Paris as in St. Petersburgh, the Servian 
government is strongly advised to ask for British 
mediation. 

All this does not suit Germany's purpose. For her 
to negotiate is to lose time. She does not allow Ser- 
bia to waste unnecessary hours in discussion, but 
urges her to cross the Servian frontier. So Russia is 
obliged to mobilize. Germany takes this as a pretext 
for mobilizing in her turn, France does the same 
thing, and war is the result. There we have the whole 
scheme, and we must acknowledge that it has succee- 
ded. All the efforts of the pacific Powers have been 
rendered useless by the brazen wall Germany opposes 
to them. Civilization was vanquished before war had 
broken out, and all the outrages committed against it 
to-day by a barbarous people who have come to the 
point of fighting on land by throwing vitriol, and 
habe again set up the practice of piracy on sea, are 
so many new wounds that it has received; but these 
glorious scars every day increase the sympathy of 
netttral countries for it, and thanks to the blood shed 
by our children, this civilization, the' daughter of 
Athens and Rome and against which our sister Italy 



refused to fight", will soon rise victorious and res- 
tore the accumulated ruins. 

But do not let us lose the thread of this dramatic 
action ; let us follow England m the pursuit of her 
noble purpose. 

It is July 27 th ; Serbia is inclined to appeal to 
the Powers, and Russia is ready to stand aside ; so 
England turns to France, Germany and Italy and 
asks them once more to try with her to find means 
of settling the pending difficulties. 

Italy and France accept, but what of Germany ? 

She displaces the question : a It is on Russia, she 
says, that peace depends, the Allies should negotiate 
with her. » She is answered that Russia is concilia- 
ting ; then German}^ changes her ground ; she cannot 
consent to what would appear to be a conference of 
the Powers, that would be instituting a kindiof arbi- 
tration court which Vienna could not accept. This 
answer, v/hich M. de Jagow made to M. Jules 
Cambon, left our ambassador unconvinced and no- 
thing' is more affecting than the report of their 
conversation of July 27 th. 

M. Jules Cambon takes every means of insisting. 
Germany does not wish for a conference, well and 
good, that is only a question of form which can, be 
arranged. The iiUportant point is the association of 
the four Powers to work for peace as a consequence 
of which common demands may be addressed to St- 
Petersburgh and Vienna. c( Will not the Seo-etary of 
State who has so often expressed his regret at seeing 
the two groups of alliances always opposed to one 
another in Europe, accept a mutual agreement to pre- 
vent a terrible conflict.? » Why does Germany, who 
asks for intervention in St-Petersburgh, refuse inter- 
vention in Vienna? 

M. de Jagow avoids giving an answer, by saying 
that his government has given pledges to Austria. — 
And have we not Russia? M. de Jagow seeks a means 
of escape : (c We cannot intervene in tlie Austria- 
Serbian conflict. — But, replies our ambassador, do 



— ID 



you not see that Serbia is willing to consent to the 
Austrian demande? — No, M. de Jagow answers, I 
have not yet had time to examine Serbia's reply )). 
That is really too much. Our representative has only 
one thing to say and he says it : « Does Germany 
wish for war ?... )) The Secretary of State protests in- 
dignantly :, (c Well, says our ambassador, read the 
Servian reply, and, I beseech you in the name of 
humanity to let your conscience weigh its terms, so 
that you may not take personally upon yourself any 
part of the responsibility for the catastrophes which 
will result from your action )>, 

Upon whom should the responsibility for the war 
fall ? 

Vain efforts. The English proposition, the object 
of which is that the four Powers, who are the least 
immediately concerned, should stop military opera- 
tions m Vienna, Belgrade and St-Petersburgh is 
destined to fail, because Germany does not wish it 
to succeed. 

At least Germany shall be given no loophole of 
escape. Since she does not consent to the conference 
and nevertheless protests against the idea of any 
warlike intention on her own part^ how does she 
wish diplomatic influence to be exercised in order to 
avoid war' ? Paris, London and Rolne are in agree- 
ment ; Russia openly shows her moderation, what 
does Germany want? Not to answer. Why? Because 
she is waitig for the irreparable event, the decla- 
ration of war by Austria against Serbia. 

On the 28th at 12 o'clock this declaration is made. 
It is a triumphant moment for M. de Tchirsky, the 
German ambassador in Vienna, a man of violent 
resolutions who pretended to act on his own personal 
responsibility almost in defiance of the Imperial 
Chancellor, but who was none the less the faithful 
and ardent agent of his government. However the 
allied Powers do not lose hope, and in the face of 
so much perseverance, there seems to be a moment's 
wavering in Germany's evil designs. The Secretary 



of State seems to favour direct conversation between 
Vienna and St-Petersburgh and even the common 
action of the four Powers through the medium of 
their ambassadors. No doubt, he still tries to throw 
the responsability of the possible war on Russia, no 
doubt, he continues to bewail the difficulty of nego- 
ciating at Vienna, but Berlin seems to reflect on 
meeting with so much persistence on the part of 
England. Is fear the beginning of wisdom? No it 
is another feeling which delays the crisis for a time. 
Germany- interprets the moderation of Russia as 
want of power and thinks she is neither in a state 
nor disposition to go to war, and if Russia does not 
mobilize, the whole German scheme will fall to pieces. 
So Russia is intimidated and the German ambassa- 
dor declares to M. Sazonow that if Russia does not 
stop her military preparations, the mobilization of 
the German army will be ordered. Russia answers 
that these military precautions are in no way di- 
rected against Germany and must not either be con- 
sidered as agressive measures against Austria-Hun- 
gary; on July 29th again, the Russian government 
acquiesces in all the arrangements France and En- 
gland propose to her to preserve peace; after the 
declaration of war by Austria against Serbia, after 
Count Berchtold's refusal to continue the negotia- 
tions between Vienna and St Petersburgh, it only 
orders the mobilization of four districts in the South 
and in point of fact it is Only July 31st, after Austria 
has' already mobilized and Germany published a 
decree declaring a « state of danger of war » that 
the order for the general mobilization of the Russian 
army is given. 

(( I shall continue to negotiate till the end », M. de 
Sazonow says to our ambassador M. Paleologue. And 
still better, let us listen to bis declaration of July 
30th to the German ambassador, Count Pourtales. 
(( The hour is too grave for me not to express my 
thoughts with perfect freedom. By intervening in 
St-Petersburgh while she refuses to intervene in 



— i8 — 

Vienna, Germany is only trying to gain tirne in order 
to allow Austria to destroy the . little kingdom of 
Serbia, before Russia is able to come to her help. 
But the Emperor Nicholas has such a" strong desire 
to avoid war, that I will make you a new proposition 
in his name : if Austria, recognizing the fact that her 
quarrel with Serbia has assumed the character of a 
question of European interest, declares herself ready 
to strike out of her ultimatum the clauses which are 
prejudicial to the dignity of Serbia as a sovereign 
state, Russia gives her word to stop all military 
preparations. » 

M. de Jagow's answer is that he does not find this 
formula acceptable to Austria, and by refusing to 
propose it to her, he shows clearly Germ.any's anxiety 
to burn all the boats which could still ply between 
Europe and the shores of peace. 

Gentlemen, England and France still try not to 
leave them. England, as we have seen since the 
beginning of the conflict, has made every effort, has 
taken every possible measure to preserve the blessings 
of peace to Europe; her situation enabled her better 
than any other Power to perform this mission and 
the really civilized Povers listened to and followed 
her. But Germany and her vassal Austria, who was 
formely her enemy, but is proud of her conqueror's 
friendship to-day, put a stop to all intervention 
while they make their armies ready. 

England having done her duty, her whole duty, 
then turns to France, and the last, the supreme effort 
is attempted. The English ambassador delivers a 
note from his government to M. Rene Viviani as- 
king the French government to support a proposition 
in St-Petersburgh, which might lead to the pacific 
solution of the Austro-Servian quarrel. 

It is to the Franco-Russian alliance that the ho- 
EiO'ttr of making the last attempt falls. 

The French govemmient assents to the English 
suggestion, and begs its • ambassador at St-Peters- 
burgh to endeavour without delay to obtain the 



— 19 — 

consent of the Russian government. I will not insist 
upon details. It is a question of asking Russia to 
modify her last declaration ; she does it, even 
though she knows that the Austrians are bombar- 
ding Belgrade, and M. Viviani is able to write to 
our representatives in Europe : « England, France 
and Russia are joining their efforts. » But, if this 
telegram lets the satisfaction of accomplished duty 
appear, the end of it also expresses a cruel doubt of 
the usefulness of the effort because of the adversa- 
ry's implacable will <.<.. Germany, says he, seeks the 
humiliation of Russia, tne dissolution of the Triple 
Entente, and, if these results cannot be obtained, 
war. » 

From this time the progress of events is very ra- 
pid. 

Austria orders a general mobilization of her 
troops, Russia cannot allow herself to be forestal- 
led and does the same. Germany is only waiting 
for this ; she decrees the Kriegsgefahr, tliat is to say 
the state of being in danger of war, which is a kind 
of dissembled mobilization. We have come to July 
31 St. France has not yet consented to mobilize, for 
there remains one gleam of hope, a last glimmer 
of the light of peace which is still visible on Au- 
gust 1st. 

For Austria seems at last to reflect and waver. 
Yes she seems disposed to accept an arrangement, 
which has already been proposed many times, and 
to enter into negotiations with the Russian gcvern- 
ment on the basis of the English proposition. 

But it is too late, and besides Germany is still on 
the watch. 

She is well versed in the art of drawing up ulti- 
matums. After having prompted the one Austria 
sent to Serbia allowing forty-eight hours' delay, 
she launches another giving the Russian government 
twelve hours to decide to demobilize not only on 
the German frontier, but on the Austrian also. This 
communication is made by the German ambassador 



20 



at midnight to M. Sazoiiow. « Is it war? asks the 
former. — No but we are not far from it ». It is the 
result of the plan which I pointed out to you at the 
beginning of this discourse. Germany has done every- 
thing in her power to hinder the free course of the 
negotiations and when, in spite of her, Austria and 
Russia are finding a way of coming to a settlement, 
she finds an obstacle to put in it. It is only just in 
time : she almcjst loses her prey, war. 
/ Let us listen to the declaration made by Sir de 
Bunsen, the British ambassador in Vienna. (( In all 
probability, some days' delay would have spared 
Europe one of the greatest catastrophes history has 
ever known ». 

A last time during the night of July 31st, the 
English ambassador in Berlin addresses a pressing 
appeal to M. de Jagow's feelings of humanity, as 
M. Jules Cambon had done on the 27th. Is it not 
naivete, lack of experience to speak of humanity to 
a German, in the Wilhelmstrasse, in the house in 
which Bismarck lived, where half a century before 
<( Kultur » ajiready tampered with an official docu- 
mjent in order to make war inevitable ? No, it is the 
last conscious effort of a defender of civilization, 
who nobly sacrifices his own amour-propre. We may 
guess what the Secretary of State still trying lO 
shirk any responsability replied : it was too late. 
Ah ! how well those who have already arrived at a 
certain age know that expression which accomplice ^ 
in a wicked action that nothing will persuade them 
not to commit use so lightly. There is another 
phrase pronounced also under the same circum- 
stances, but reserved for M. de Schoen to say in 
Paris to M. Viviani : « Really, / was ignorant of the 
developmients which had supervened in this question 
during the last twenty four hours, » and he does not 
say anything more, but alleges the impossibility of 
deciphering his telegrams. 

It is finished. 

Protected by the Kriegsgefahr, Germany mobilizes 



21 



and France in self-defence is obliged to order ner 
mobilization. 

On the evening of August ist, Germany declares 
war against Russia in spite of the negotiations still 
taking place. You are not ignorant of the fact that 
not only the Cabinets are negotiating but the ts^o 
Emperors also. On July 28th the Emperor William 
had begun the conversation by telegram. He is 
uneasy about the impression produced in Russia b}- 
Austria-Hungary's advance against Serb- a, and he 
allows it to be seen by the Emperor Nicholas. 

The latter replies very frankly : <( A shameful war 
has been declared against a feeble nation ; I entirely 
share the indignation of the Russians which is 
immense. » And he asks the Emperor William to do 
all in his power to prevent his ally from going too 
far; but the Emperor William behaves in the sam;-; 
way as M. de Jagow, he advises his friend and 
cousin to come to a direct agreement with Vienna 
and to let Russia be a (( spectator )) of the Austro- 
Servian war. The threat follows : « If you mobilize 
against Austria-Hungary, my mission as a mediator 
will be compromised even if it does not become 
impossible... Your shoulders will have to bear the 
responsibility of war or peace. » 

The Emperor Nicholas replies on the 31st that his 
military preparations have been rendered necessary 
by the Austrian mobilization ; but he gives his word 
of honour that his troops will commit no act of pro- 
vocation as long as tne negotiations with Austria 
about Serbia last. If the Emperor William is obliged 
to mobilize, will he assure him also that this measure 
does not denote war, and may the continuation of the 
negotiations succeed in (( preventing bloodshed ». It 
is to this communication that the Emperor Will am 
answers by sending the ultimatum and twelve hours 
after declares war against Russia. Once more let me 
say it, it was part of the scheme. 

On August 2nd, Germany violates the neutrality 
of Luxembourg; without any declaration of war or 



any provocation on our side, she violates French 
territory at Cirey and near Longwy. 

The first French soldier falls at Baron, a German 
officer blows his brains out. Baron de Schoen is still 
in Paris at his residence, the embassy. 

On August 3rd, Germany violates the neutrality 
of Belgium in spite of the formal assurance given 
by M. de Jagow to the Budget Commissiion of the 
Reichst^ag on the preceding April 29th. She declares 
at La Haye she only acts in this way in ordefr that 
Belgium may not be occupied by France. 

So then the frontiers of Luxembourg, BelgiuTi 
and France have been violated, and Germany h-s 
not yet declared war. She has not recalled lier ambas- 
sador from Paris, so intense is her desire to be able 
to say that France has begun hostilities; but France 
does not move and her army remained ten kilometres 
from the frontier. Nevertheless it is necessary to come 
to a decision and on August 3rd, at a quarter to 
seven m the evening, Baron de Schoen notifies 
M. Viviani that (( on account of our aggressions, the 
German empire considers itself in a. state of war with 
France, by the act of.this latter Power. » 

It is Germany's last lie. 

But there still remains an outrage for her to 
commit ; she does not lose the opportunity. 

Whilst, in conformity with diplomatic customs 
and traditions, the French Government take steps to 
secure the safe return to Germany of the ambas- 
sador accompanied by his staff, ours was conducts-! 
to the Danish frontier and almost treated as a ori- 
soner. ■" 

The drama is finished, gentlemen, or rather it i^^ 
beginning. (( France, M. Poincar6 may well say to 
Parliament, is the object of a brutal and pa-emedi- 
tated aggression which is an insolent defiance of the 
lav/ of nations. » 

As we think of England and Belgium, the tension 
ot our minds is relaxed from the consideration of so 
many mean actions, perjuries and brutalities 



__ 23 — 

Let us first read this eloquent telegram from n\e. 
Russian ambassador in England to M. Sazonow : 
<( The British government asked the French and 
German governments the question whether they would 
respect the neutrality of Belgium. French answered in 
the affirmative, while the German government statec' 
that it could not answer the question caitegorically. )) 

Next let us consider this" : / 

To obtain the neutrality of England, Germany 
promises after she has defeated us to leave us our 
territory but to take our colon-es. 

England answers : <( It would be a disgrace for us 
to make such a bargain with Germany at the expense 
'of France, a disgrace from which the good reputa- 
tion of this country would never recover. » 

To obtain the « friendly » neutrality of Belgiuim, 
Germany promises to guarantee her kingdom and 
her possessions, to pay ready m>oney for everything 
that she findsi it necessary to buy for her troops and 
to pay an indemnity for any damage caused, other- 
wise Belgium will be consideed as an enemy. 

Belgium answers : 

(c If the Belgian governmient accepted the propo- 
sitions notified to it, it would sacrifice the honour of 
the nation and at the same time it would be a traitor 
to its duty towards Europe. » 

Compare these declarations, gentlenien, with the 
one made by the Chancellor of the Empire from 
the tribune of the Reichstag to explain the odious 
breach of his promises : 

(( We will make amends for the injustice ws 
commit as soon as the military aim has been 
attained. )> 

The difference between Right and Might has never 
been shown in a brighter light. 

Might represented by two emperors oppressors 
allied with the barbarous Turks, and Right inve- 
riably defended by France whose eternal mission Jt 
is to do that, by Russia who restores autonomy an.i 
libc'v to the Poles, by England always careful of 



— 24 — 

her honour throughout the world, by Serbia, by Mo'i- 
tenegro whose heroism rekindles the sacred cause oT 
nationality among all peoples, .by noble BelgiuQi, 
martyred Belgium, who would not yield an<; 
inspired by an august example still remains supreme 
ori a foot of territory. 

As we draw this examination of the responsabilities 
of the war to a close, is it not fit that we should 
examine ourselves very closely and ask if we are not 
in some slight degree answerable for the present 
conflict, in other words if the enemy has not attacked 
us becaiise we have not taken the possibility of 
attack sufficiently into account? 

^ To answer loyally, eaich one must weigh his 
shortcomings and not throw all the blame upon 
others. Those who wanted only to provide the 
country with a militia, or an army insufficient to 
defend it, are not the only ones responsible. There 
are others who enjoyed the pleasant custom^ of peace 
and with the generosity and carelessness of the 
French character were not sufficiently upon their 
guard against an adversary, who was spying on them. 

Has not France thrown open her towns, her country 
districts, her houses, her workshops, her markets, 
.nay more... her nationality too> kindly to her enemy? 
Has not a dangerous invasion come to fill the empty 
places in our midst that have been caused by the 
doctrines of Malthus ? 

I dare to draw aside the veil, which covers these 
truths, because it has gloriously concealed them for 
six months. The countrj^ has recovered from her 
credulity... and heir incredulity. The blood shed, 
poured out in torrents by her children, at the same 
time as it calls for the cessation of strife at home, 
demands the fullest reparation from* abroad, and 
when we begin to speak of the responsabilities of 
peace, it is necessary that greater France in all her 
pride may lay claim to them, as to-day she leaves to 
Germany the responsabilities of the war. 



^ 



FRENCH THOUGHT 

in ALSACE-LORRAINE 



FRENCH THOUGHT 

IN ALSACE-LORRAINE 



A lecture given by Abbe Wetterle, formerly deputy of 
the Reichstag and of the Chambre of illsace-Lorraine in the 
hall of the Society of Geography Januar}^ 27th 191 5. 



Ladies and' Gentlemen, 

Is it simple chance, or has it been purposely arran- 
ged by the Lecture Committee whom I suspect of 
malicious intentions ? The fact is that my confe- 
rence to-day falls upon the anniversary of William 
the Second's birthday. This solemn festival was for- 
merly celebrated in a pompous manner throughout 
the whole of Germany. We, who come from Alsace- 
Lorraine, know something about it, for on the eve- 
ning of January 27th, we used to hear the streets of 
our peaceful cities ringing with the choruses and 
hiccoughs of innumerable drunkards ; for the 
modern Germans of to-day, even those of the best 
societ}^, imitating their ancestors, the ancient Ger- 
mans, know no other means of expressing their joy 
except in drinking bouts. The inhabitants of Cham- 
pagne have recently been able to convince themselves 
of this. 

There is reason to suppose that the Emperor's 
birthday will be celebrated with less pomp in Ger- 
many this year. One. reason the more for us to 
offer a slight compensation to William II by poin- 
ting out, here in Paris, the inconstestable merits of 
his agressive policy. 



— 25 



Before the year 1905 France allowed herself to be 
lulled by the deceptive song of pacifism Happily at 
Tangier the German emperor sounded the alarni to 
our sleepmg patriotism. The call was heard and it 
IS from that time that we) must date the active pre- 
parations for the mevitable war, which to-day allow 
us to face the near future with absolute confidence. 
The trumpets of Casablanca and Agadir were no 
longer to permit France to resume her comfortable 
but dangerous dreaming. William II really coquetted 
with the pleasure of lettmg his warlike intentions be 
known. Do we not owe him some gratitude for the 
persistency with which he has warned us .^ ihe 
incurable shilly-shallyer that he had always been 
had already three times half drawn his sword from 
the scabbard. When he thought' the moment had 
come to take it right out, France, thanks to him, was 
ready to parry the blow. 

The evocation of these thoughts leads me quite 
naturally to the subject on which I propose to speak 
to vou. The German is essentially lackmg m tact. 
His rude mentality, his native brutality, his absolute 
lack of generosity as well as of delicacy make him 
for us an absolutely repellant object. He may be 
feared, but he is never loved. 

The events of which we are the witnesses are the 
palpable proofs of this ; if, mdeed, the French had 
reasons not to show any sympathy for those who 
had wrestled a part of their country from them, the 
Belgians, English, Japanese, Russians Italians and 
Roumanians were not separated from the German by 
the remembrance of any irreparable offense. Neverthe- 
less all these peoples have risen up with the same ener- 
gy, 'the same enthusiasm against the German menace 
In Alsace-Lorraine, we have not been m the least 
surprised, having for nearly half a century borne 
the grievous and degrading yoke of the most merci- 
less of conquerors. Indeed, if the annexed provmces 
have so marvellously resisted German grasp, it 
French thought has remained a living reality among 



— 2Q — 

US, it is to the Germans themselves that our country 
of yesterday, which will again become our country 
to-morrow, owes this in a large measure. 

Formerly, I was very frequently asked the follo- 
wing question : (( Is Alsace-Lorraine still French ? » 
I invariably answered : (( It is more anti-German 
than ever. » The masters of our little country had 
indeed succeeded in creating around them such an 
atmosphere of hostility, by the brutal proceedings 
of their government and their haughty manners, 
that the longer the time which had passed the deeper 
and more impassable the gulf between them and us. 
Naturally this increasing misunderstanding was to 
the advantage of France. 

Notwithstanding during these last weeks a dis- 
quieting doubt has suggested itself to the 'minds of 
some French men. The soldiers who took part in 
the engagements during the month of August and 
penetrated far into Alsace came back very much 
disappointed. They reported, and as their state- 
ments agreed they must have been correct, that the 
civil population of the a4inexed provinces had 
beatrayed them outrageously. The explanation of 
this fact, which is only strange in appearance, is 
easily given. 

In Alsace-I.orraine there are two populations who 
for forty four years" have lived side by side without 
understanding each other and without a great deal 
of intercourse. Out of the i. 800.000 inhabitants ox 
the country 300.000 are of German origin. The immi- 
grants into Vv^hcse hands all the positions of power 
have fallen are not easily distinguished at first sight 
- from the natives. They call themselves Alsacians and 
Lorrainers as if they were autochtone inhabitants, 
but however they have not the slightest right to 
that name. 

It is none the less true that for those who do not 
know our provinces very thoroughly, the difficulty 
of making the necessary discrimination is great. The 
Fr^ch troops- were in the presence of natives terro- 



rized by the fear of reprisals at the hands of the 
German army and of germanizing functionaries, who 
knew how, for the time being, to disguise their real 
feelings for the needs of the cause, but who were 
equally ready to take advantage of all favourable 
opportunities of rendering services to the German 
military staff. It is these latter who have supplied 
useful information to their compatriots and who 
have even been guilty of cowardly murders. 

On one side then, there were poor people to whom 
it Vv^as impossible to let their joy be seen, because 
they dreaded merciless retaliation; on the other, sly 
personages, covertly hostile, who gave themselves up 
to their work of spying and betraying. As they did 
not know how and could not distinguish one from 
the other," the French soldiers felt a deep but unjus- 
tifiable disappointment from their incursions into 
Alsace-Lorraine. 

The truth will not take long to find day-light. 
It is certain that the annexed people have guarded^ 
the treasure of French thought as a precious posses- 
sion and, as soon as they can do so freely, they will 
express in joyful and enthusiastic terms their satis- 
faction at being at last liberated from their hateful 
3/oke. 

How could it be otherwise? For forty four years 
our poor country has submitted to the most tyran- 
nical form of government. 

The 300.000 Germans, who have settled there, have 
kept their manners, habits, language and national 
prejudices. They imagine that it is their duty to 
undertake a <( civilizing » mission to an (c inferior » 
race ; far these starvelings and barbarians, who have 
fallen upon our provinces like a cloud of locusts, 
have forgotten their more than modest origins a long 
while ago and grandly parade their pioud insolence 
of parv^enus at every opportunity. 

The German does not even try to win affection 
by a kindness of which he is incapable. Brought up 
as a worshipper of force, he exacts 1 he most humble 



submission from the conquered, as he bows down to 
those who are more powerful than he is. He has let 
you see that quite clearly. 

He had hardly settled in Alsace-Lorraine before 
he forbade the use of the French language in the 
schools, for the sign-boards of the shops and even 
for the inscriptions on tombstones. He wishes every 
thing in country to appear German. That is sufficient 
for him, for, as he is a deplorable psychologist, he 
does not attach any importance to moral conquests. 
As however he fiears the revolt of their consciences, 
he takes the most rigorous measures with regard to 
the annexed people. The governor, or statthalter, is 
armed with extraordinary powers. With a stroke of 
his pen he can dissolve associations, suppress news- 
papiers, expel the natives from Alsace-Lorraine, order 
perquisitions by night or day, demand the interven- 
tion of an armied force. And this dictatorship is 
most effectively exercised. The sale of the Union, 
the Odilienblatt, the Echo de Sckiltigheim, the Mul- 
koziser Y olksblatt and the Colmarer Zeitung is sud- 
denly forbidden. Choral societies, bands, gymna- 
siums, men and young people's clubs are broken up 
without a trial or even the slightest explanation. To 
give only the names of the best known among those 
who were expelled, I may mention Messrs Antoine 
and Lalance. At the time of the trial of the (( Ligue 
des Patriotes », innumerable perquisitions were car- 
ried out indiscriminately. Finally the affair at Sa- 
verne two years ago clearly showed how the German 
officiers went to work in Alsace-Lorraine to discover 
imaginary plots in order to subsequently repress 
them in the most barbarous wfeys. 

But however all this was not yet enough for our 
masters- It was necessary that a wall like tfte Chinese 
one should be raised between France and her ancient 
provinces. The corresptmdance between the two 
countries was kept under surveillance, the excursio- 
nfst? who crossed the frontier, especially towards the 
14th July, were obliged to submit to a thousand 



petty annoyances from the police and acimuiistra- 
tion, the emigrants from, Alsace-Lorraine were no 
louger able to return to their native country except 
when they were furnished with special permits which 
it was difficult to obtain and of which the duration 
was most strictly limited ; when by chance French 
officers happened to go far into the annexed pro- 
vinces, they were obliged to submit to the most rigo- 
rous and humiliating formalities, while German 
officers circulated freely in Nancy, Toul and Belfort. 
As a last measure the odious system of passports 
was established, and for about fifteen years it com- 
pletely isolated Alsace-Lorraine from the rest of the 
world. 

In speaking of this, it is hardly necessary to 
remind you that, in many circumstances, the barba- 
rity of the German authorities went so far as to 
refuse emigrants the necessary permission to assist 
at the last moments of those relatives who had 
remained in their native countr}^. 

And all these administrative measures were made 
still more vexatious on account of the ill-will of 
those functionaries whose duty it was to carry them 
out. When the administration was simply severe, its 
officers gave proof of txie most ingenious cruelty. 
The native of Alsace-Lorraine knew that he was the 
object of ceaseless suspicion, that every word and 
every gesture were constantly watched, that each 
German, a spy by nature, would be only too happy 
to be able to swell by true or false information the 
ever increasing « dossier » at the sub-prefectures. 
Indeed secret accusation in our country had been 
raised to the height of a principle of Government. 

The events of the last few months have disclosed 
the marvellous organisation of the German spy 
system in foreign countries. •To what prodigees of 
ingenuity did the superior officers of the secret ser- 
vice not resort in a country of which they were incon- 
testably the masters ? Thus, did any one of us- 
realize that he was surrounded by a swarm of kindly 



JJ 



informers, always ready to point out his smallest 
weakness and to call for the intervention of the 
prefect and public prosecutor. The stupidity of a 
subordinate one day gave me the opportunity of 
attentively examining my papers at the Prefecture of 
Colmar. The impression made upon me was appal- 
ling. I could never have supposed that it would have 
been possible for one single.^man to be guilty of so 
- many crimes against public security. 

Moreover let me add that this public persecution 
was accompanied by intentional and systematically 
organized attacks on the wealth of the country. The 
Germans wished to ruin the people they had brought 
into subjection. To give you some examples, all 
the orders for the civil and military administrations 
were given to contractors from the other side of the 
Rhine in spite of our indignant protests ; all the 
large industrial enterprises, the iron, coal and potash 
mines passed into the hands of German syndicates. 
The affair of Grafenstaden, and the inquiry opened 
last year by the chambers of commerce about the 
participation of foreign capital in the business of 
Alsace-Lorraine, proved that the Germans even had 
-the fixed intention of taking possession of the firms 
which existed before the war of 1870. Besides the 
Alsacians and Lorrainers were excluded from all 
public functions ; m the secondary and upper 
schools their children were not encouraged to study ; 
in civil and criminal law suits between natives and 
immigrants, the judges showed revolting partiality. 
For the autochtone inhabitant of Alsace-Lorraine 
there was neither justice, nor rights nor liberty. 
With all the hypocritical forms of legality, he was 
treated as a pariah in his own country. 

Moreover the Germans were by no means satisfied 
wi.th the results they had already obtained by this 
■ tyrannical form of government. The greater part of 
them did not attempt to hide that in their opmions 
the public authorities behaved with too much indul- 
gence towards a rebellious people. That was the 



reason of the perpetual denunciations of the Pan- 
German press and its furious appeals for still more 
merciless repression. 

When, in order to satisfy public opinion to a 
certani extent, the governement of Strasbourg pro- 
posed to increase the constitutional liberties of 
Alsace-Lorraine, the functionaries and more espe- 
cially the officers protested with the most violent 
indignation against such « inconceivable » weakness. 
Nevertheless, the constitutions of 1S79 and 191 1 
only indicated more clearly the notoriously inferior 
position, which our country occupied with regard to 
the confederate States. In reality the annexed pro- 
vinces remained the collective property of the Em- 
pire ; the power was in the hands of a governor, who 
was appointed and dismissed by the Emperor, and 
the latter gave or refused his consent to local laws as 
his fancy dictated. The character of this Constitution 
was moreover essentially precarious, for the Reichs- 
tag and the Bundesrath could change it at their 
pleasure. So autonomy remained nothing but a myth. 
And. still the aiitithesis continued, it even increa- 
sed every day between our two populations : on the 
one hand the functionaries, officers and other immi- 
grants, who formed an exclusive, haughty and dis- 
dainful caste ; on the other, a population with demo- 
cratic ideas and habits, who willing shunned the so- 
ciety of their suspicious masters and even under such 
circumstances tried to keep the trust of their national 
traditions safe. One must have lived a long time in 
Alsace-Lorraine to realize the enormous distance 
which separated the immigrants from the natives and 
how different their minds respectively remained. 

Formerly when we called our visitor' attention 
to this fact, they sometimes showed the greatest sur- 
prise, more especially as the German dialect which 
the inhabitants of our country speak should have 
facilitated intercourse betweeii the two races. Since 
the abominations commited by the Kaiser's troops 
have revealed the barbarous depths of German na- 



35 



ture, it is easy to understand that between those 
savage worshippers of brute force and the annexed 
people, respectful of right and human dignity, no 
lasting understanding was possible. Do not forget, 
ladies and gentlemen, that for nearly half a century 
we have been obliged to live in the company and 
under the domination of those plunderers and but- 
chers of yoiir Northern provinces. 

When in 1888, shortly after the antiseptenary 
elections, the statthalter, Prince Hohenlohe Schilling- 
furst, received orders from Prince Bismarck to treat 
the inhabitants of Alsace-Lorraine with much grea- 
ter severity, the formier wrote the following sentence 
in his memorandum book : « It seems that in Berlin 
they wish to drive the annexed people to despair and 
open revolt in order to do away with the civil govern- 
ment and re-establish a military dictatoriship ». A 
valuable confession, wkich clearly shows us the 
treacherous tactics Prussia has always not onl}^ used 
but abused : the accumulating of injustice and pro- 
vocation in order that a rebellion, which will serve 
as a pretext for fresh atrocities, may take place. 

To relate in detail the martyrdom of our people 
would take me too long. What I have already said is 
sufficient to prove the want of generosity of our 
oppressors and to explain the obstinate resistance 
with which they were met by the Alsacians and'Lor- 
rainers. , 

I will not attempt to deny that having to face 
these prolonged persecutions, some natives did not 
resist. Of the few converts who consented to change 
side and sold their consciences for a dish of pottage, 
Germany w^as extremely proud. Still these defections 
were relatively rare and, when they were not accom- 
panied by base and degrading actions, we took note 
of them with more disdain than anger. And then we 
knew that in some families the pecuniary question 
had made itself most acutely felt and that, in order 
to solve it in the heroic manner that we should have 



— 3*3 



wished, it would have been necessary to face ruin and 
exile. 

The yoke which weighed upon our people was 
really sometimes so heavy that my friends and I 
came to the point of asking ourselves if it was not 
our duty to preach resignation and surrender in order 
to lighten it. Had we the right to encourage resis- 
tance, when the sacrifices it entailed were so hard and 
the legitimate compensations appeared so uncertain 
and remote ? A painful problem to which during 
the latter y^ars some among us found a hasty and 
contestable solution. Let me acknowledge that to-day 
I have not the courage to heap reproaches on those 
who wavered. I do not doubt that they are now the 
first to regret their passing weaknesses, and if their 
joy at being restored to France is stained with the 
shame of having dispaired of her immortal destiny, 
it is n,ot less sincere, nor less deep. 

May I be allowed to add that the merit of the 
immense majority of my compatriots, of that majo- 
rity which was enabled to gloriously resist German 
influence to the end, was so much the greater, because 
on the other side of the Vosges it did not always 
meet with the encouragement ^to which it thought it 
had a right. God forbid that I should criticize the 
actions of those sincere lovers of peace whose inten- 
tions were as generous as they were deceptive and 
who, I am pleased to state, have recognized their 
error since they have become aware of the role of 
dupes, which crafty Germany wished to make them 
play ; but I think I may be allowed to recall all the 
same the demoralizing effect which thisir theories so 
often had upon my compatriots. 

Did not an eminent French politician say to me 
about ten years ago : (( What a great service you 
sons of Alsace-Lorraine would render us, if you 
would consent to publicly declare yourselves satis- 
fied with your fate. » 

In the course of the last months, numerous emissa- 
ries were sent into our provinces to preach definite 



— 37 — 

renouncement. They tried to persuade us that our 
resistance was useless, to picture Germany to us as 
invincible and France as every day less and less 
inclined for war. To hear them talk, Alsace-Lorraine 
was no longer to be a subject of discord between two 
great nations who were created for mutual under- 
standing, but on the contrary a connecting link. 
Counting upon the unquestionable weariness so 
evident in certain circles, they wished to wring from 
us decisive words which would have allowed them 
at the congresses of Berne and Bale to prepare for 
disarmament. This, alas ! would have been binding 
upon one side only, and with it their franck opti- 
mism seemed willing to be content. 

I hasten to add that these unworthy attempts were 
followed by' very unimportant results. But they made 
it necessary for us to repeat what we had already so 
often said under less painful circumstances, namely 
that if Alsace-Lorraine was to suffer martyrdom on " 
account of her faithfulness to a glorious past, she 
did not in any way wish the horrors of a terrible war 
to be let loose in Europe on her account. She asserted 
her will to remain herself, but rather than be cause 
of abominable hecatombs she would have submitted 
to still greater sufferings. She loved France too sin- 
cerely to wish to expose her to the ruin and sorrow 
of a conflict of which the issue appeared doubtful. 
So she waited patiently for the time when violated 
right should be revenged, but she did not in any way 
pretend to forestall the da)/- of justice. 

And these declarations were sincere. We are glad 
to be able to state that if, as a consequence, the pre- 
sent war should bring about that deliverance which 
we so earnestly desire, we have done nothing to 
render it unavoidable or even to serve as a pretext 
for it. Our joy in again forming part of our ancient 
country will be so much the greater, because with it 
there will not be mixed the remorse of having any 
share however slight of responsibility in the crimes- 



-38 



which will have accompanied the work of our libe- 
ration. 

Permit me, however, to point out a curious phe- 
nomenon, which had struck all attentive observers : 
with mathematical precision the bent of public 
opmion in Alsace-Lorraine has constantly followed 
that of the French. Every time that pacification 
seemed to get the upper hand on the other side of 
the Vosges, there followed a giving way in the natio- 
nal opposition in our country. But on the contrary 
as soon as the voice of the clarion was heard along 
the frontier, a long quiver of hope agitated our popu- 
lation and we took fresh courage to endure. The 
lower classes in the annexed provinces have been 
admirable during iihe half century which has just 
passed away. It is but fair to bear them this impor- 
tant testimony to-day. 

Heroism always deserves our admiration ; but 
when this heroism is not the result of a passing 
impulse, when humble and ignored it is continued 
for such a long period, hoping for no compensation 
and looking for no gratitude, it becomes doubly 
meritorious. And it is of this long drawn out heroism 
that our people have set such a splendid example 
during their interminable trial. 

I use the word people advisedly, the anonymous 
mass, the whole of the working classes, mechanics, 
agricultural labourers, artisans. Among the middle 
classes, French ideals have likewise been maintained 
on account of their veneration for the language and 
traditions of France. Nevertheless, in this limited 
milieu, defections, especially during the latter period, 
were rather numerous ; defections which however 
rarely touched the depth of their consciences and 
which, even when they were dictated by party spirit, 
did not succeed in silencing every regret and hope. 

The good sense of the people has always been 
strong enough to bring back to the right way those 
who were tempted to turn aside from it. When the 
legislative elections same periodically round, the 



— 39 — 

candidates of every party vied with each other in 
making declarations against the Government, and 
through these declarations the constant preoccupa- 
tion of legitimate reparation could be perceived and 
even the converts themselves showed especial zeal in 
speaking of France in affectionate terms, so con- 
vinced Vv^ere they that if they acted otherwise, they 
would certainly be defeated. 

This is so true that in 1903 when the government 
tried to have his candidates elected in Lorraine, the 
newspaper devoted to the cause found nothing better 
to do than to accuse the natives standing for votes 
as candidates of the « Centre )) party of belonging 
to a "(( German n party. 

Moreover the German element acted very skilfully 
in introducing party-rivalries into Alsace-Lorraine. 
During the first years which followed the war of 
1 870- 1 87 1, the electors only asked their members to 
protest against their annexation in the imperial par- 
liament as well as in other elected bodies. At that 
time, a Jew offered the French bishop of Metz, Mon- 
seigneur Dupont des Loges, the candidacy for the 
seat of Metz ; the Protestant manufacturers of 
Mulhouse formed a part of the electoral committee 
of Canon Wisterer and the Catholics voted for 
Messrs Lalance and Kable. 

The socialists were the first to break off this 
needful union and in 1891 other political groups 
were formed. Since 1903, the parties have been 
strongly organized : centre, democrats, liberals, 
socialists, contenting themselves however with 
adding specific demands for Alsace-Lorraine to the 
programmes of the similar German groups. 

Now, Germans' had succeeded in insinuating them- 
selves into all these organizations and they set them- 
selves to introduce their national prejudices into 
them. My friends and I had some difficulty in pre- 
serving the Alsace-Lorraine Centre party from this 
contagion. How^ many times in order to revenge 
themselves for our resistance, did not some Germany, 



— 40 — 

■who belonged to our electoral associations, ask for 
our exclusion, without however obtaining it. 

Out of spite, at the time of the last elections, the 
functionaries openly joined forces with the socia- 
lists to deprive us of our electoral mandates, and it 
was one of the strangest sights of those epic strug- 
gles to see the pillars of the throne making active 
propaganda for the partisans of social revolution, on 
account of their own hatred of the nationalists.- 

Each party had announced as the most important 
item in its programme the autonomy of Alsace-Lor- 
raine in the plan of the Constitution of the Empire 
This demand at first bewildered our friends in 
France in the same way as it rejoiced the hearts of 
international peacemakers. So the annexed people 
accepted the situation which the treaty of Francfort 
had provided for them '^nd they were ready to de- 
clare themselves absolutely satisfied if only they 
v/ere granted the same political rights as the inha- 
bitants of the confederate States. Thus reasoned 
those who did not understand the difficulties in 
which our ambiguous position placed us. 

However even a little reflection would have been 
sufficient to understand the purely conditional cha- 
racter of this part of our programme. We were like the 
heir who hopes to inherit the fortune of a rich rela- 
tive, but who in the meantime is obliged to regulate 
his expenses according to the means at his disposal. 
The autonomy- for which we asked was at the best a 
stepping-stone, a means of making our lot momenta- 
rily bearable. We did not give up for that the hope 
of a restoration of our rights, perhaps indeed far off, 
but always within the range of possibility, and in 
any case ardently desired. 

And then, you must not forget, we belonged, no 
doubt against our wills, but still in fact, to a great 
economic organization, of which we shared the fate 
and, unless we wished to commit suicide, we were 
obliged to take a certain amount of interest in the 
important questions which were debated in parlii- 



— 41 — 

ment and of which the repercussion would fatally 
influence our moral and material interests. So we took 
part in the parliamentary debates at the same time 
we reserved to ourselves in the most formal manner 
the absolute right of judging the historical fact of 
the annexation and of wishing to return to our for- 
mer country without bloodshed. These prudent and 
cautious politics, which circumstances forced upon 
us, were not always approved by all Frenchmen. De- 
roulede, to whom I am pleased to-day to pay this 
public tribute, unreservedly approved of them. 

For the Frenchman who came to Alsace-Lorraine 
to make a hasty inquiry into the state of mind of the 
people, the problem persented itself in a much sim- 
pler manner : « Are you still French at heart ? » he 
would ask the publican and the grocer's wife at the 
corner. The cautious answers he received disconcerted 
him at first. To understand the mind of the Alsacian 
and Lorrainer such as it had become through long 
and cruel persecution, it was necessary to be on very 
intimate terms with him. Our terminology was corn- 
plicated, a certain training was necessary in order to 
enter into the mystery of it. It was not one of the 
least pleasures of the electoral campaign in our 
country, to be able to express our hope in sufficiently 
clear terms to draw forth tempests of applause from 
the native hearers and yet sufficiently obscure for 
the most suspicious public prosecutor not to be able 
to find anything to complain of in it. 

One curious thing, to which I would like to draw 
your attention most particularly, is that during the 
latter years nearly all the young people had come 
back to us. In the intermediary generation some cases 
of despondency had occurred. But on the contrary 
the new generation had recovered all the confidence 
and enthusiam of their fathers, and their ardour for 
the struggle had even re-awakened that of the older 
combatants. 

There is nothing in this that is not easily explai- 
ned. The annexed people of the earliest days had 



— 42 — 

been enemies for the Germans and they were inclined 
to excuse those who continued to treat them as ene- 
mies. But the younger generation had never been 
French, they had passed through the German schools 
and done their military service in German barracks. 
After tiiat, why should their teachers ill-treat them? 
Why were they suspicious of their intentions ? Why 
did they take so much trouble to dissuade them from 
liberal and administrative careers? 

These young men, even more than their fathers, 
were under the impression that they belonged to an 
injustly persecuted race and with all the impetuosity 
of their age they struggled against the tyrannical 
and insolent masters who wished to reduce them to 
a state of servitude. 

This was clearly seen at the ceremonies of _ Noisse- 
ville and Wissembourg, when first Lorraine and 
then Alsace erected splendid monuments to the me- 
mory of the soldiers who had died for their country. 
Such a concourse of people, such solemn meditation 
on the past, such a touching assertion of our enthu- 
siasm for our 'traditions had never been seen in the 
country. At Wissembourg, intense emotion took pos- 
session of all those present, when the veil which 
covered the imposing statue of Glory was drawn and 
the trumpets sounded La Marseillaise. The young 
men, after- a moment's surprise valiantly struck up 
the French national anthem, while large tears fell 
from the clouded eyes of my neighbours, former 
members of parliament. Ah ! that hymn sung with so 
much confidence by those young people, those silent 
tears which furrowed the cheeks of their elders, -was 
not the whole spirit of Alsace-Lorraine contained in 
them with her undying regrets but also with her 
noble hopes? 

The Germans were appalled at this sudden and 
unexpected revelation of the inmost feelings of the 
country. It was from that time onwards they recom- 
menced their policy of petty vexations and ^paltry 
persecutions which they had already previously so 



43 



much abused. Must I recall to your minds the sup- 
pression and trial of the <( Lorraine sportive )) the 
dissolution of the « Souvenir Alsacien-Lorrain )) the 
g-rotesque and criminal affair at Savern. We could 
not get to the end of what was called <( the period of 
incidents. » There was at the head of the adminis- 
tration of Alsace-Lorraine one of those diplomatists 
whom nobody envies Germany, Count de Wedel. 
He was seconded by a renegade Alsacian, 
M. Zorn de Bulach, who the more zealously annoyed 
his compatriots in order to make them forget his 
origin, and by a fidgetty and worrying lawyer, 
M. Mandel, who, to his heavy temperament of brutal 
Bavarian, added all the contrivances of -a profes- 
sional police-officer. 

Happily one becomes accustomed to everything, 
to a state of terror as well as to a chronic illness. The 
people of Alsace-Lorraine had recovered their good 
humour and soon they were to find besides, in Hansi 
and Zislin, defenders as witty as they were indefa- 
tigable. The independent press, whose life, since tl^e 
abolition of the dictatorship, was not in danger ^nd 
whose editors did note recoil at fines and imprison- 
ment, daily shot their keenest darts at the Germans 
and organized a powerful resistance. In parliament 
authorized voices spoke eloquently of the recnmi- 
nations of the annexed people. In notorious lawsuits 
the lawers for the defense made ample use of their 
right to tell the whole facts of the case. I will not pro- 
nounce one name, for if some of those who took part- 
in the re-awakening of national feeling in Alsace- 
Lorraine have been able to save themselves from the 
vengeance of the maddened Germans, there are 
others and not the least praiseworthy who have been 
surprised by late events and whom imprudent words 
might expose to unjust retaliation. As a matter of 
fact, we have to deal with an enemy without genero- 
sity and who to-day is only conscious of fury at such 
awful disappointment, in the same way as to-mor- 
row he will display the shame of fear and undigni- 



— 44 — 

fied prostration to a world astounded at so much 
baseness. 

Such prostration, Alsace-Lorraine, taken as a 
whole, has never known and that will be one of her 
immortal claims to glory. She did not know it at a 
time when deprived of all leadership in consequence 
of the emigration in a body of the governing classes, 
she was abandoned an amorphous mass to all the 
caprices of a barbarous conqueror ; she did not know 
it in 1888 when her masters took cowardly vengeance 
by the most rigorous measures for her frank and cou- 
rageous assertion of her sympathy for France ; she 
did not know it any more when after a period of 
comparative calmness, the Germans recommenced 
flieir policy of excessive repression shortly after the 
commemorative ceremony at Wissembourg. 

Still better, and this brings me back to the state- 
ments I made at the beginning of this discourse, the 
more merciless Germany should herself to be, the 
more the looks of the annexed people were persistent- 
ly directed towards the blue line of the Vosges, 
from whence they expected their salvation. In our 
country the Pan-Germans were always the best 
pioneers of French thought ; the political symbol 
they represented appeared to us so archaic, the 
methods they employed to realize it were to such an 
extent odious, that our thoughts were quite naturally 
carried back towards our lost country. 

The Germans were both indignant and alarmed 
about this. One of them, the president of the Berlin 
police, M. de Jagow, undeniably established the fact 
some months before the war broke out that in 
Alsace-Lorraine his compatriots were still encamped 
in an enemy's country. And it seems evident that this 
truth had sunk deeply into the mind of the govern- 
ment, for the day before the mobilisation about a 
thousand of the most influential of our compatriots 
were arrested and shut up in concentration camps as 
hostages. One does not act in this manner in a 
friendly country. 



Jil 



— 45 — 

Nevertheless, and again I particularly wish to 
draw your attention to this, our opposition was 
always strictly legal. To defend our liberties, we 
-never had recourse to either violence or riot. No 
doubt, immigrants' were not received in native f ami- 
Jies and marriages between Germans and Alsacians- 
Lorrainers were extremely rare ; no doubt in all 
classes of society where it was possible, we carefully 
tried not to forget our French ; no doubt, we tried 
also to keep the remembrance of the past before the 
minds of the working classes ; no doubt the natives' 
wives ordered their dresses not from Berlin, but from 
Paris. However, .we accepted with resignation all the 
political consequences of the annexation. The proud 
and domineering Prussian could not be content with 
passive submission. As in Poland and in the Danish 
provinces, he wanted to compel us by force to give 
up the individual characteristics of our race. And in 
that way he only succeeded in increasing our aver- 
sion for his system of government and our wish to 
get free from it. 

And this wish whether latent or frankly and 
openly expressed has been the leading feature of 
this time of transition to which the present war will 
at last put an end. 

What does it matter that, in the course of recent 
events, some converts have loudly accounced their 
wish to adhere to a form of government which only 
the other day they still despised ? What does it 
matter that Prussian generals, in order to compro- 
mise the men whom they always place in the first 
firing line, have distributed iron crosses in quantities 
to the soldiers of Alsace-Lorraine ? The people of 
the annexed provinces, although a large number of 
their children have been forced to join regiments of 
the German army, await the arrival of our delive- 
rers with legitimate impatience, and I repeat it once 
more, when they are able to do so freely, they will 
express transports of delight at being set free from 
the worst, the most shameful tyranny. Till the end 



— 46 — 

they will preserve a correct attitude towards their 
masters, so that they may afford no justification for 
fresh acts of cruelty ; but nevertheless their ardent \} 
prayers will go with the soldiers of France. 

Bfefore concluding, I will take advantage of the 
opportunity which has been offered me, ladies and 
gentlemen, to represent to you the grievous surprise 
of somie of my compatriots, who have not found m 
the country which they loved even to the point of 
sacrificing everything for her sake that sympathetic 
reception to which they thought they had a claim. 
Better than anybody they understand the necessity 
of taking precautions against the enterprise of a spy 
system, which hesitates at nothing. But do you not 
realize that for them it is the greatest insult to be 
confused on account of their bad French accent 
with those against whom they have always con- 
tended ? 

Be kind to these unhappy victims of the German 
accent. Ascertain their origin and feelings, it is both 
your right and duty to do so, for authentic Germans 
might impose on your generosity by calling them- 
selves Alsacians and Lorrainers; but when you come 
in contact with true sons of Alsace and Lorraine da 
not be deterred by the harshness of their speech. 
II they do not speak better French, it is because the 
Germans have prevented them from learning it. 
Under that dross the gold of the purest love and of 
the most severely tried devotion is hidden. Do not 
forget that these poor people have undergone forty 
four years^ martyrdom solely because they would 
not consent to forget France and that they have a 
right to expect from their riecovered country abun- 
dant compensation for their long et grievous trials. 

Alsace-Lorraine emerges bruised from a struggxe 
in which she has given proof of wondferful endu- 
rance. She expects her deep wounds to be dressed 
intelligently and with untiring charity. She will 
yield herself unreservedly, but it would be both 
impolitic and cruel not to make the first contact with 



- 47 — 

France easy, by respecting the customs, and tradi- 
tions which she has know how to maintain so 
stoutly under the harsh domination of Germany. 

May our unhappy country not be made the stake 
of poHtical rivalries, which it, wishes still to ignore. 
Truly there are other things to be attempted, in that 
country between the Rhine and the Vosges, than to 
satisfy paltry ambitions. A race of 1.500.000 souls 
has suffered materially and morally for nearly half 
a century because it loved France. Let France allow 
it to breathe the air of liberty till its lungs are 
satiated. She will not have to^ regret doing so, for 
the compatriots of Kleber, Rapp and Lefebvre will 
then be happy and, proud to resume for ever the 
watch which of old they already mounted on the 
banks of the French* Rhine. 






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